Modest Proposal by Jonathan Swift - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 5 Words: 1434 Downloads: 3 Date added: 2019/05/07 Category Literature Essay Level High school Tags: Modest Proposal Essay Did you like this example? A Modest Proposal by Jonathan Swift, was written and published in 1729. A Modest Proposal was written as a juvenalian satirical essay. This work was one of the oldest versions of a satire. A satire is the use of exaggeration to shed light on someones stupidity or mistake in either writing or film. In this particular work, Swift is targeting poverty in Ireland, who was under English Rule. Jonathan Swift, who recently became politically involved in the 1720s, did not agree with how the wealthy English community acted so careless to the low-socioeconomic population of Ireland. These poor populations thought having kids would improve their rate of success by multiplying their amount of chances to make money. Swift thought to seek change and create a somewhat humorous way to catch the eye of the English public and reveal the issues of the overpopulation and poverty in Ireland. In A Modest Proposal, Swift is enraged about the poverty in his country so he wanted to create a radical answer to shed some light on this major issue. Jonathan Swift uses exaggeration, irony, and humor or shock to reveal the political issues and create his own solutions. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Modest Proposal by Jonathan Swift" essay for you Create order Jonathan Swift, when writing A Modest Proposal, uses the effective literary device exaggeration. Swift capitalizes this implausible method when he first gives his idea to eat the children of the poor and feed them to the rich and wealthy. I have been assured by a very knowing American of my acquaintance in London, that a young healthy child well nursed is at a year old a most delicious, nourishing, and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricassee or a ragout. (Jonathan Swift page 455). In this quote, Swift even goes to the extent of stating different types of ways to cook the infant. Swift even touches on a few dishes a chef may have in mind to use the cooked meat of a newborn in. If that wasnt enough for the point to get across, Swift also uses the idea of exploiting the amount of meals a person could get full a full and healthy baby. Swift also drags this idea to state how the right season to eat the child and wait for a certain amount of days before consumption. He states, A child will make two dishes at an entertainment for friends; and when the family dines alone, the fore or hind quarter will make a reasonable dish, and seasoned with a little pepper or salt will be very good boiled on the fourth day, especially in winter. (Jonathan Swift page 456). Swift is using the type of exaggeration to truly maximize the gain the wealthy would get from this radical idea. Swift also creates an idea for using the non-consumable parts of a hefty child which in itself covers all parts of the baby that could be sold for profit to benefit from. Those who are more thrifty (as I must confess the times require) may flay the carcass; the skin of which artificially dressed will make admirable gloves for ladies, summer boots for fine gentlemen. (Jonathan Swift page 456). This quote helps Swifts case because he offers another innovative way for involve the poor for jobs and at the same time providing new fashion for the rich. Jonathan Swift uses exaggeration to create this far fetched idea and make it real. Of course it sounds crazy to create a promotions towards cannibalizing young children, but Swift figured that if being under English rule for over 500 years and not being heard, he had to think of a deranged idea to grab attention of the reader. Swifts idea to catch attention with exaggeration made all readers uncomfortable because he created a beneficial way to eat humans and gain economically in doing so. Although the satire may come across to most readers as a essay about how people could benefit from selling and eating children, Swifts goal was to depict some metaphorical irony of how the the Protestant English are treating the Catholic Irish. The first depiction we see of Irony is in the title A Modest Proposal, the use of the word modest is to provide that the proposal is actually calm and nothing special. However, reading an essay about how cannibalism can improve a countries economy is nearly the exact opposite of modest. Swifts use of this word to represent a sarcastic argument the his audience as a way to show how unruly the conditions that Irish have faced for centuries of undermining events that have taken place. Swift develops this character to show the point of view of the two groups at a subtle war with each other. When he opens with, It is a melancholy object to those who walk through this great town or travel in the country, when they see the streets, the roads, and cabin doors, crowded with beggars of the female sex, followed by three, four, or six children, all in rags and importuning every passenger for an alms. (Jonathan Swift pages 454) He is depicting the Irish poverty that is taking place and showing how ironic the carelessness the English have over them. The Protestant English wanted to diminish the Catholic society and this opening sentence shows how the were treated inhumanely. Swift shows us how the streets are becoming more and more crowded by the beggars and the closed-minded Proastant society cant see past the negligence of conversion. Swift also touches on how the Protestant population treated the underdeveloped Catholics as Animals when he wrote, although I rather recommend buying the children alive and dressing them hot from the knife, as we do roasting pigs. (Jonathan Swift page 456). When swift touches on this he is claiming that why not eat the spawn of a Catholic mother as the same as a well presented pig. Swifts use of Irony gives his readers a sense of how deficient the Catholic label was under the rule of the protestants. Swift chose to use the shock value or humor to not only to create this point of eating the Catholic children to help the poor make money and to please that rich with this new food market monopoly, and stop the overarching problem of overpopulation, but to hopefully spawn a change to happen. Swift has created an essay disguising the relationship between two different socioeconomic groups, the English and Irish. His intentions when writing this essay was never for the literal plan to fall through just to make the English aware of how the increased numbers of the poor Irish has created a major issue. To create this shock value Swift provides information about the Catholic reproducing at a faster rate than the Protestant. Considering the new invention of birth control, the Catholics still had jumps in population because birth control was against their religion. Therefor, this created the idea of Shock value for Swift. I have been assured by a very knowing American of my acquaintance in London, that a young healthy child well nursed is at a year old a most delicious, nourishing, and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricassee or a ragout. (Jonathan Swift page 455). Swift wrote this with the intention of shoking his readers by developing this plan to eat the children, but what makes even more shocking is the idea of putting human meat into everyday dishes. Swift was trying to create this appealing response just to invoke an unsettling feeling in the English. When writing A Modest Proposal, Swift creates a untelling plan to save the penniless Irish. He wrote this essay in such a way that would shock surface level readers, but have an underlining grievance towards the treatment the English have been given. In writing in this particular style, Swift created a standard political satire for centuries to come. With this typical style of writing, this could help the society we live in today, especially with illegal immigration. For example, if someone were to right about how the unemployment rate in America is staying the way it is because the illegal immigrants work for whatever pay they can get, there would be an underlying theme of racism in America. It would truly shake the grounds, that the government stands on when creating this type of work because closet racism is the problem with immigration not crime rate or overpopulation. Swift made a way for the underdog to speak and his lesson still applies to the society we live in today.

Mtv Arabian Challenge - 7403 Words

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It was compiled from published sources, and is intended to be used as a basis for class discussion rather than to illustrate either effective or ineffective handling of a management situation. 2008, IBS Center for Management Research. All rights reserved. To order copies, call +91-8417-236667/68 or write to IBS Center for

Terrorist Attacks And Its Impact On The United States Of...

On September the 11th 2001, a series of ‘terrorist attacks’ struck the main cities of the United States of America. This is more commonly known as 9/11, hence the 11th of September. The story of this incident is that these deadly attacks were performed by Al Qaeda extremists. This event has been recorded in the pages of history as a clear act of terrorism war and has impacted many people’s daily lives, even here in New Zealand. But was it really these extremists who attacked the United States of America, or was it an inside job conducted by the governmental officials of America itself; driven for a reason to declare war and advance their troops into Afghanistan and Iraq. From this single thought sprouted a mass amount of conspiracy theories that is highly debated to this day. 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LOVE’S LABOR’S LOST Persuasive Essay Example For Students

LOVE’S LABOR’S LOST Persuasive Essay A monologue from the play by William ShakespeareBEROWNE: And I, forsooth, in love!I, that have been loves whip,A very beadle to a humorous sigh,A critic, nay, a night-watch constable,A domineering pedant oer the boy,Than whom no mortal so magnificent.This wimpled, whining, purblind, wayward boy,This signor-junior, giant-dwarf, Dan Cupid,Regent of love-rimes, lord of folded arms,The anointed sovereign of sighs and groans,Liege of all loiterers and malcontents,Dread prince of plackets, king of codpieces,Sole imperator and great generalOf trotting paritors O my little heart!And I to be a corporal of his field,And wear his colors like a tumblers hoop!What? I love, I sue, I seek a wife!A woman that is like a German clock,Still a-repairing, ever out of frame,And never going aright, being a watch,But being watched that it may still go right!Nay, to be perjured, which is worst of all;And, among three, to love the worst of all;A whitely wanton with a velvet brow,With two pitch balls stuck in her face for eyes.Ay, and, by heaven, one that will do the deed,Though Argus were her eunuch and her guard.And I to sigh for her, to watch for her,To pray for her! Go to, it is a plagueThat Cupid will impose for my neglectOf his almighty dreadful little might.Well, I will love, write, sigh, pray, sue, groan:Some men must love my lady, and some Joan.

American nation Essay Example For Students

American nation Essay The Second Republic and Its FallOne of many hurdles that Nigeria had to overcome in the attempt to return to civilian rule, and then to have such a new system entrenched, was the fact that competitive politics encouraged recourse to sectional identification. On the one hand, there is need for a understanding of the nature of the dynamics of Nigerian society, especially with regard to the phenomenon of ethnicity. On the other hand, the theoretical formulations which already exist concerning the nature of politics in segmented societies must be confronted so that a closer approximation between such themes and the sociopolitical realities of Nigeria can be achieved (Joseph, 1987:43). The American-style constitution of the second Republic (1979-1983) was designed for Nigerians type of democracy where natural affairs rather than state are promoted to avoid the pattern of British parliamentary system where the winner-takes-all pattern. The parties in America conform to the Constitution due to their disciplinary disposition. In Nigeria, political parties were following the British style of politics, where distribution of revenues among the politician and their clients at national, state and local levels, are the order of the day (Shehu, et al; 1999:34). Bitter conflicts abounded within the political parties in both states and the federal level over the distribution of the spoils; hence, the inability of the politicals to manage the conflicts led to the demise of the democratic government in the Second Republic and the return of the military government. In the program of transition to the Second Republic, the military leaders primary concern was to prevent the recurrence of the mistakes of the First Republic. They believed that if the structures and processed of government and politics that had proved inappropriate in the First Republic could be changed, a stable and effective civilian government was therefore designed to address those fundamental issues, which were historically divisive, and to establish new political institutions, processes, and orientations. The second aspect of the transition involved the making of a new constitution and appropriate institutions. Decree number 25 of 1978 enacted the 1977 Constitution. It differed from the First Republic in 1963, in that, it introduced a United States type presidential system (Nwoked, 199:73). Previously, the executive branch of government derived its powers from the Legislative. Under the 1979 constitution, the President and the Vice-President as well as state governors and thei r deputies, were elected in separate elections. Furthermore, while senate was largely a ceremonial body in the first Republic, the new constitution gave the Senate and the House of Representatives coequal powers. There were other provisions in the 1979 Constitution that aimed at eliminating past loopholes. The first was the federal character principles, which sought to prevent the domination of power by one or a few states, ethnic groups or sections of federal center, and by one or more groups in the states and local government. The Second Republic was born in the elections for the state and federal offices that took place in five rounds during July and August 1979 (Diamond, 1999:434). Even though it was successful, but its image was dainted largely due to the administrate bias stemmed from the presidential election controversy of 1979. In general, the election was considered to be fair and free but the events that took place during the election such as fraud, victimization and electoral malpractices gave room for some of the votes to be disputed and thereby created an avenue for an election tribunal to be conducted. As a result of the ambiguous result of the 1979 Presidential election, its legitimacy was challenged, when UPN opponent Chief Obafemi Awolowo questioned the results of it that had the UPN candidate, Shagari, who supposedly won 25 percent of the vote in only twelve, and hence not quite two-thirds of the nineteen states. The ruling of the electoral commission that he was elected because he had won 25 percent in twelve and two third states (i.e, a quarter of the vote in twelve states and two-thirds of a quarter in a thirteenth) was bitterly challenged by the UPN, but upheld by the Supreme Court. The controversy engendered lasting political enmity between NPN and UPN that was too heavily color subsequent political developments (Diamond, 1995:434). The political tension spread to engender political alliances. The formation of a government by NPN, with the backing of NPP, being third largest party, whose nominees were offered ministerial, legislative and other positions, in a way, recreated a similar alliance identical to NPC-NCNC accord of the First Republic. The NPP frustration in this alliance system was manifested in its ability to affect the policies of the federal government and claim a larger share of the spoils. One faction of the NPN was of the view that too much share of executive and legislative offices had been given to NPP in return for its legislative cooperation, while the Yoruba faction of the NPN felt unease with the Northern and Eastern alignment of political forces which they figured might perpetuate the exclusion from the presidency (Shehu et al, 1999:54). Disappointed with the lack of consultations and patronage, the NPP-NPN accord never worked as it intended, and, consequently, on July 1981, the alliance collapsed. At first, the NPP state governors joined non-NPN governors in protesting against the appointment of presidential liaison officers to the state capitals, where they could act as a focus for NPN patronage and undermine the political pre-eminence of state governors. All the non-NPN governors strongly opposed the federal governments proposal for the division of revenues between federal, state and local governments (Shehu, et al; 1999:34). Meanwhile, the informal alliance became more important for the NPN, and this also cut sharply across region and ethnicity. Many of the tacit collaborations with the NPN came from the two Igbo states and from elsewhere outside the partys far northern base. These developments raised the possibility of a historic realignment in which two political parties, one being conservatives and the other progressive, would contest for power on a national basis (Joseph, 1994:6). As Diamond notes:Despite the increasing polarization between the ruling NPN and the UPN led opposition, there was some cause for hope in the fact that this clearage was far less centered on ethnicity and region than was political conflict in the First Republic. As a result of not only expanding education and communication, but also the deep inequalities and contradictions engendered by oil boom, class and ideology were coming to play a more significant role in political conflict. This was seen to have developed in both Kano and Kaduna states where PRP party conflict centered on class and ideology. According to Diamond, three interrelated crises developed along this line in 1980 and 1981. The first was a deep split in the leadership of the PRP, not unlike that in the Action Group in 1962, stating that the stance of moderation and national political accommodation was espoused by PRP President Aminu Kano and his aides, while it was the two elected governors of Kano and Kaduna who favored confrontation and a more radical, ideological approach. The latter faction was the larger of the two, containing most of the PRPs youth support, founding intellectuals, and legislative representatives. They supported the participation of two governors in the meetings of the nine opposition governors, while the party establishment opposed it and ordered it to cease. Out of mutual expulsions, two opposing party structures emerged, each claiming to be the genuine PRP. In a controve rsial decision early in 1981, FEDECO officially recognized the Aminu Kano faction, further eroding the legitimacy of that crucial regulatory body (Diamond, 1995:435). Problems And Challenges Facing The Construction Industry Construction EssayAs documented by Ottman; the leading figures in the military junta of Buhari..were predominantly northern in origin and conservative in outlook. They were drawn from the generation who had been encouraged by northern ministers, notably Shagari himself, to join the army and make up the northern quota of recruits to the officer Corps in the 1960s. They shared training, war-time experience in the federal cause and personal friendships and had connections with their civilian counterparts in the Kaduna Mafia' (Ottman, 199:39). The Coup leaders justified the second return of the army in Nigeria politics by stating that the country needed to be redeemed from the the grave economic predicament and uncertainty that had been imposed on the country by the inept and corrupt leadership of the civilian government has imposed on the country (Diamond, 1999:440). Major General Buhari and his deputy, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon further justified the takeover by stating that rigging of the elections by the political parties would have illegitimately ushered the ruling party- NPN- into continued corruptive civilian rulership, thereby fostering the countrys economic downturn. For those reasons, the new military government sought to impose on Nigerian society the military virtues of order, discipline and central command under the direction of the Supreme Military Council, recreating the forms of military administration of Murtala regime. They also hurriedly made a bold move to tackle the problem of corruption and to curb further waste in the government. With the sacking of more than three hundred top officials in the civil service, police and customs, including the detention of hundreds of former politicians, the former President and Vice-President, ministers and legislatures, were also imprisoned. In a further move to reform the country of its ills, they authorized the seizing of cash from the homes of leading politicians, and froze their accounts. By cutting down the amount of import and reducing the travel allowances for Nigerian travels, they argued that Nigerian foreign exchange will be preserved. The raiding and the arrest of the operators of the Black market currency was a further justification of what their plans were (Othman, et al 1999:24). These initial moves became very popular particularly among students, trade unions and other professionals. Even majority newspapers supported the new regimes mention to restore accountability to public life. But later in the early stage of Buhari, it became obvious that its intention was not implement the accountability measures. It began to act rigidly and even refused to be questioned and scrutinized by the media. And, with unprecedented harshness, arrogance, and impurity, the Buhari regime, turned on the Constituencies that had welcomed its arrival (Diamond, 1995:441). Public trust of the new military was further eroded when they announced several controversial decrees that they will use to administer the country militarily. Decree 2 enabled the government to detain people arbitrarily, to try people by military tribunals, and restricted the authority of the courts. Decree 3 provided for military tribunals to try former public officials suspected of corruption and misconduct in office. While Decree 4 limited the rights of journalists to criticize public officials (Othman, et al 1999:39). The death penalty was extended to cover a wide range of economic, violent and anti-social offenses, and public executions were introduced. With these coercive measures, the regime also was able to try politicians by giving them long prison sentences, without any chances of appeal. Both the public and Nigerian Bar Associated protested and boycotted the trials. Even though that the people were gratified to see that convictions were metted to the most corrupt politicia ns and for the acquittals of others who were innocent, but were equally concern for the permanent detention of some politicians without any charges. Worst still, was the consternation that grew among the public in the military government favoritism of the Northern NPN Kingpins who were not convicted or charged with any wrong doing. As Diamond observed, the regime came increasingly to be dreaded as the military wing of the NPN (Diamond, 1995:441). Public disenchantment grew by the regimes repressiveness and arrogance in its assault on the press (Diamond, 1995:441). Both Decree 4 and Decree 2 were used to justify the arrests. Many Nigerians journalists and editors in January 1984, which affected the news coverage and further alienated the masses and the intelligentsia. Added to the public displeasure of the regime was the Nigerian Security Organization (NSO) tactics of obstructing public assembly and forcible detention of any group leader that are found to be organizing any public even that is against the government. This action by the Government further led to the banning of prominent interest group like the Nigerian Medical Association and National Association of Nigerian students. The intensification of public disaffection was also engendered by the increasing economic hardship on the people which was exacerbated by the various austerity measures that the Buharis military government implemented. Some of these economic measures that the government introduced were in some ways effective in helping towards balancing Nigerias external payments, they came at the price of deepening recession. During 1984, an estimated 50,000 civil servants were retrenched, retired or dismissed. Tens of thousands more industrial workers also lost their jobs as factories remained desperately short of imported raw materials and spare parts (Diamond, 1999:442). The rate of inflation was up to annual rate of 40 percent due to the severe shortages of goods and so was the decline in GDP by and estimated 10 percent. The repressive strategy of Buharis military further engendered deep resentment and bitterness among the people who feel that they had been denied of their personal freedom. In addition, according to Othman, the military government was increasingly driven by dissension over strategies of economic management, the detention and trials of political detainees and the rising power of Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, the Chief of staff, supreme headquarters, and the driving force behind the regimes authoritarian policies, and of the Nigerian Security Organization (NSO) (Othman, 1999:40). Two factors were instrumental to the final demise of the military regime; one was the risking of what Diamond called political convulsion, an attempt to impose a monolithic order on Nigerias vigorously polaristic society (Diamond, 1999:443). The second factor was the regimes declaration in July, 1985, of their intention or plan to return Nigeria to Civilian rule. These actions further isolated Buhari and Idiagbon from their military colleagues , including their arrogance in ignoring critical opinion even among its senior military ranks.

The Justification Of War Has Been An Ideal That Has Caused Much Debate

The justification of war has been an ideal that has caused much debate and controversy for humanity throughout all time. It has been studied and interpreted by many theologians, philosophers, and politicians. There have many manuscripts documenting the correct use of war and the proper means of exercising force. Within the western tradition two main principles, the Christian and Islamic, have appeared that attempt to explain just war in relation to maintaining a peaceful society. Both of these traditions have similar main premises of a constant battle between a split society, one of good and the other of evil. However, there are many differences within each of the two respective religions view on the ideas of the conception of a well ordered society, the religious and secular influences on each ideology, and the justification and authorization of war. The Christian conception of a well-ordered, peaceful society, the City of God, was maintained and influenced by the ideal of just war. The City of God theory was created by St. Augustine of Hippo in the 4th century. His motivation for his writing was fueled by the decaying Roman Empire. St. Augustine felt that the collapse of the western empire to the invading barbarians resulted from the peaceful Christian ethic. "The charge was the traditional Christian pacifism had helped create untenable military circumstances for the western empire, the Church's concern to prepare it's members for the next life, had led to an ahistorical and socially irresponsible approach to the inescapable problems of individuals and societies in history (Tranquillitas Ordinis, Weigel)." Within his writings, he made a clear distinction between two cities, one that was based for Earthly living (City of Earth) and one that was based on love for God (City of God). He believed the City of Earth was capable of doin g good, however was fundamentally evil because the only pure good is God. There is a direct correlation between the City of Earth and the Roman Empire. Augustine pointed out the many achievements of the Roman State, but felt it did not give God his due (Holy War Idea, Johnson). In order to correct this situation God created salvation for the inhabitants of the City of Earth through grace. By altering human motivations to become properly ordered through the love for God (Holy War Idea, Johnson). With this love for God, the City of God will become a reality. This entire society stemmed from individual motivation, and for love of neighbor. Augustine felt that a selfish motivation was a sign of a sinner. Only a good person would have right motivation, which is expressed as love towards God. To maintain this peaceful society it would have to have the following three characteristics: Justice, Order, and Peace. To uphold these ideals, there existed a positive attitude towards just war. Jus t war aided the transformation from the presently evil world to the benevolent City of God. The Muslim concept of a well-ordered society, dar al-Islam, developed their ideals of jihad. Classical Islamic thought partitioned the world into two separate societies. The Dar al-Islam was considered the territory of peace, and the dar al-harb was literally the "territory of war". The dar al-Islam is an area that promotes and signifies the supremacy of Muslims beliefs. The dar-al Islam is the area of peace and justice, it is considered to be the most secure place for all humans. The people of this territory need not be Muslims, they have to acknowledge the Muslim rule, and they need to be of a monotheistic religion. Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians were all allowed to live within the Dar al-Islam peacefully. The important aspect of non-Muslims living within the dar al-Islam is their behavior. Right action, not right thought was used to define which inhabitants can exist within the Dar al-Islam. By Contrast, the dar a-Harb was the state of unrest and war. It is characterized by str ife and internal disorder (Islam and War, Kelsay). This disorder, if mobilized correctly could become a threat to the dar al-Islam. The peace of the world could only occur if it was all part of the dar al-Islam. These two areas were constantly in a state of war with each other. For Muslims to

US History Long Essay Sample

US History Long Essay SampleA US history long essay sample can be used as a way to help you with your composition, and it can be used as a means of getting feedback on your essay. Many students find that they need help when writing their assignments, so that is why they look to the internet for resources to help them with their assignments. One thing that a student should be aware of when they look at the resources available on the internet is that there are many different ways to use the essay samples available on the internet.If you are a college student that is looking for a US history long essay sample then there are a couple of things that you need to know about these samples. One thing that you need to be aware of is that you will have to do your own research in order to find the best resources for you to use. If you simply rely on the resources available for use in your essay then you may not be able to get the best results from using the resources.A US history long essay samp le is a great resource because it can give you all of the facts that you need to use in your essay. However, you have to take into consideration the fact that this is a large portion of your essay. If you have already read and studied the US history long essay sample then you will find that you have the information needed to properly complete your essay. However, if you did not use the resource you would be in a bad position to use it again because you will know nothing about the topic that you were given.You can find many resources that are dedicated to giving you all of the US history long essay sample that you will need to complete your assignment. When you are looking for these resources, it is important that you know what is expected of you in order to successfully complete your assignment. The assignment can vary from college to college and you have to be sure that you know the requirements that you need to fulfill in order to get the work completed. The next thing that you ne ed to know about the US history long essay sample is that it can give you many different ways to approach the topic. Many times you will find that this sample is used to get students interested in the topic that they are currently working on. They will be motivated to keep on working because of this.If you are looking for a US history long essay sample then you will find that it is a great resource because it can get you started with the topic that you are working on. The essay can give you all of the facts that you need and it can also give you the best way to go about writing your essay. You can find many different ways to approach the topic and you will be able to know how to approach the topic.The last thing that you need to know about the US history long essay sample is that you can use this essay for several different reasons. Sometimes you will find that this can be used in your essays or in the classroom as a way to help motivate students to stay motivated. You can also use the essay as a way to get students involved in various activities that you have set up at your school.The US history long essay sample is something that can be used in many different ways in the classroom. It can help students to understand the history of the United States as well as help them understand the basic idea behind the writing. The best thing that you can do is to find a good resource that will help you write your essay.